Chinese diplomat involved in protester attack, says UK MP

One of China’s most senior UK diplomats was involved in violence against protesters at the Manchester consulate on Sunday, a British MP says.

“What we saw was the Chinese consul-general then ripping down posters and peaceful protest,” Alicia Kearns told MPs in the House of Commons.

MPs in Parliament have privilege, allowing them to speak freely without fear of legal action.

China has not commented on Zheng Xiyuan’s alleged involvement.

But the foreign ministry in Beijing defended the actions of consulate staff.

Spokesman Wang Wenbin said on Tuesday that people had “illegally entered” the grounds and any country’s diplomats would have taken “necessary measures” to protect their premises.

A protester is pulled at the gate of the consulate on Sunday – the consul-general is alleged to be in a mask and hat (far left)

The UK’s foreign office summoned Chinese chargé d’affaires Yang Xiaoguang – the deputy to the ambassador who is currently not in the UK – to demand an explanation for what happened at the consulate. However, an official was sent in the deputy’s place.

A foreign office statement said it was reiterated at Tuesday’s meeting that all diplomats and consular staff based in the UK must respect the UK’s laws and regulations.

The official Chinese version of what happened is at odds with video footage and statements from police. Officers had to pull back a protester as he was being attacked after he had been dragged inside the consulate gate.

But on Wednesday China’s foreign ministry said it had complained to Britain, alleging that some of its staff had been injured during the “illegal entry to the Chinese consulate-general in Manchester”. It urged Britain to do more to protect Chinese diplomats on UK soil.

Ms Kearns told MPs on Tuesday that after Consul-General Zheng Xiyuan ripped down the placards, there was “grievous bodily harm against a Hongkonger, one of whom was hospitalised for taking part in a peaceful protest.

“Some were then dragged onto consulate territory for a further beating by officials who have been recognised to be members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

“We cannot allow the CCP to import their beating of protesters, their silencing of free speech and their failure to allow time and time again protests on British soil. This is a chilling escalation.”

According to a statement by the Greater Manchester Police, around 30 to 40 people had gathered outside the consulate to protest.

“Shortly before 4pm a small group of men came out of the building and a man was dragged into the consulate grounds and assaulted,” the statement said.

“Due to our fears for the safety of the man, officers intervened and removed the victim from the consulate grounds.”

The consulate is UK territory, but cannot be entered without consent.

Another MP, Labour’s Afzal Khan – who represents the constituency where the consulate is, Manchester Gorton – told the House of Commons he was “sickened” by the scenes.

“The UK stands for freedom, the rule of law, and democracy,” said the Labour MP. “The quashing of peaceful protests will never be tolerated on British soil.”

Mr Khan and other MPs called for the consul-general to be declared a “persona non grata” – meaning a person who is unwelcome in the country.

Conservative MP Sir Iain Duncan Smith asked if the government would “be prepared to expel the consul-general and any of those that are found to have been part of that punishment beating and the vandalism?”

Some MPs called for the Foreign Office to go further, including Labour’s Andrew Gwynne who said: “Had these incidents happened on the streets of Hong Kong, there would have been outrage from the British government, rightly so.

“They happened on the streets of Manchester and yet we have this situation where the minister is basically sending a memo to the Chinese embassy, an offer of a cup of tea and a chat with the ambassador.”

Zheng Xiyuan on the right, and the man accused of being involved in the violence on the left

FONTE: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-63296107

Stand News: Independent outlet to close after senior staff arrested

One of the last pro-democracy media organisations in Hong Kong, Stand News, is shutting down after it was raided by police and senior staff were arrested.

Seven people, both current and former employees, were detained by Hong Kong police for “conspiracy to publish seditious publications”.

“Because of the situation, Stand News is ceasing operations immediately,” the organisation said in a Facebook post.

More than 200 police officers were sent to raid the publication’s office.

Hong Kong police said in a statement they were authorised to “search and seize relevant journalistic materials”.

In a post on Facebook, Stand News said it would no longer be updating its website and would be removing its social media content “within a day”.

“This morning, the police arrested a number of senior and former senior staff of the company, [and] took many people away to assist in the investigation,” the statement reads.

It adds that computers and documents were seized from its office and that it would be assisting the police with their inquiry.

Those arrested – three men and four women – are aged between 34 and 73 years old.

Getty Images | Patrick Lam was among those arrested by police

They include the former and acting chief editors of Stand News, Chung Pui-kuen and Patrick Lam, as well as pop star turned democracy icon Denise Ho, who was a former board member.

Other board members Margaret Ng, Christine Fang and Chow Tat-chi were also among those arrested. The identity of the seventh person detained has not yet been reported.

Chief Secretary for Administration John Lee said during a press conference on Wednesday afternoon that he supported the police operation against the news outlet.

“Anybody who attempts to make use of media work as a tool to pursue their political purpose or other interests [and] contravenes the law, particularly offences that endanger national security, they are the evil elements that damage press freedom.”

Hong Kong will ‘always need journalists’

Footage posted on Stand News’ Facebook page showed multiple police officers at the door of deputy assignment director Ronson Chan early Wednesday morning.

Mr Chan was not arrested but he was taken in for questioning by police.

The night before, Mr Chan had hosted the annual dinner of the Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA), of which he is chairperson. In a speech, he referenced the closure of Apple Daily, saying that the incident had “shaken” Hong Kong.

He concluded by saying the city would “always need the truth and always need journalists… no matter how difficult the road ahead is, the [HKJA] will not fall down”.

Earlier this year, hundreds of police raided the premises of the now defunct Apple Daily – a publication known for being a vocal critic of the Hong Kong and Chinese leadership.

Its assets were frozen, executives were detained and the paper shut down soon after.

Its closure left Stand News as one of the last openly pro-democratic publications in the city. It was among a handful of relatively new online news portals that especially gained prominence during the 2019 pro-democracy protests.

Today’s arrests also come a day after media tycoon Jimmy Lai, the founder of Apple Daily, was slapped with the same charge even as he serves a jail sentence for a litany of separate charges against him.

Presentational grey line

‘Once a beacon of press freedom’

Grace Tsoi, BBC News Hong Kong

Today’s raid did not come as a surprise.

A few days after the closure of Apple Daily, Stand News stopped accepting donations from readers, saying they did not want to accept donors’ funds in the event that they were shut down – amongst other measures instilled.

One staff member who does not want to be named said today he felt calm, as it was expected.

“I hope everyone will be safe and press freedom is not a crime,” he said, but didn’t want to respond when asked if he felt worried about his own safety and that of his 60 colleagues.

Hong Kong was once a beacon of press freedom in Asia, but now, with only a handful of independent news websites and publications left, one cannot help but wonder which outlet might come next.

Presentational grey line

Press freedom in Hong Kong

The Committee to Protect Journalists have condemned the arrests, with its Asia program coordinator Steven Butler calling them “an open assault on Hong Kong’s already tattered press freedom, as China steps up direct control over the former colony”.

Meanwhile, HKJA said in a statement that it was “deeply concerned” about Wednesday’s incident, and urged “the government to protect press freedom in accordance with the Basic Law.”

The Basic Law, which came into effect when Hong Kong was handed back to China from Britain, protects rights such as freedom of assembly and freedom of speech.

Hong Kong authorities have been increasingly cracking down on dissent in the city, following the imposition of a national security law.

The controversial law criminalises secession, subversion and collusion with foreign forces, and carries a maximum sentence of life in prison.

Critics says the law effectively reduces Hong Kong’s judicial autonomy and made it easier to punish demonstrators and activists.

Fonte: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-59807734

Explainer: How Hong Kong’s new election law will reshape legislature

By James Pomfret

The Chinese national emblem is seen on the wall as it replaces the Hong Kong emblem at the Legislative chamber, before the Legislative Council election in Hong Kong, China, December 17, 2021. REUTERS/Tyrone Siu

HONG KONG, Dec 18 (Reuters) – Hong Kong holds a legislative assembly election on Sunday in which candidates have been vetted for “patriotism” and pro-democracy candidates are largely absent, having declined to run or been jailed or forced into exile. read more

The reshaping of the Legislative Council is the first major restructuring of Hong Kong’s political system since the territory’s return to China from British rule in 1997.

WHY IS THE ELECTION SIGNIFICANT?

This is the first citywide election to be held under a national security law imposed by China that took effect in June 2020.

Critics say the law has been used to curb fundamental freedoms of speech and assembly, silence opposition, jail pro-democracy activists and disband civil rights groups, in contravention of the terms of the handover.

Hong Kong and Chinese authorities say the law has restored stability and ended the disruption that mass protests had caused.

Article 68 of the Basic Law, Hong-Kong’s mini-constitution, states universal suffrage for the legislature as an “ultimate aim”.

But Beijing has said the changes to electoral law plug the “loopholes and deficiencies” that it said threatened national security after mass protests in 2019.

Hong Kong’s leader, Carrie Lam, said some former pro-democracy lawmakers had been “anti-China disruptors” who had caused chaos.

“National security and political security are inseparable. To achieve genuine national security, governance must be firmly held in the hands of patriots,” she said in April.

WHAT ARE THE KEY ELECTORAL CHANGES?

The legislature has been enlarged to 90 from 70 seats, with the proportion of directly elected seats reduced from half to less than a quarter of seats – just 20.

A 1,500-strong committee stacked with Beijing loyalists will directly select 40 legislators from a pool of around 50 candidates. Thirty seats are filled by “functional constituencies”, voters in various business and professional sectors, such as law and education.

The Candidate Eligibility Review Committee, a group of senior Hong Kong officials working with national security police to conduct background checks on candidates for “patriotism”, has discretionary power to disqualify anyone.

Critics say the changes make it next to impossible for democrats to hold any substantial influence or act as a check on the executive.

WHAT HAS BECOME OF PRO-DEMOCRACY POLITICIANS?

The main opposition parties, including the Democratic Party and Civic Party, have declined to run for election, characterising the poll as undemocratic.

All 153 candidates were vetted by a pro-Beijing committee. About a dozen are considered moderate or independent, saying they do not align with either side, while the rest are considered to be pro-Beijing and pro-establishment figures.

The pro-democracy parties had initially planned to take part in the election, which was slated for September 2020 but postponed due to coronavirus restrictions. In preparation, they defied authorities by holding an unofficial primary election in July 2020 in a bid to choose the strongest candidates and maximise their chances.

On Jan. 6, the Hong Kong police arrested over 50 pro-democracy politicians. The following month, 47 were charged with conspiracy to commit subversion by joining the primary poll. Thirty-three are in prison awaiting trial, and 14 are out on bail.

HOW HAD DEMOCRATS FARED IN PREVIOUS POLLS?

Since 1997, democratic politicians have consistently performed strongly in the four-yearly Legislative Council elections, especially in directly elected seats, and have been able to control more than a third of the assembly to form a veto bloc.

In district council elections in 2019, a few months after millions agitated against Chinese control of the city, democrats won just under 90% of the seats.

Despite attempts by Chinese and Hong Kong officials to drum up support for this election, many observers expect public discontent towards the electoral changes and the continuing crackdown under the national security law to keep turnout low. Authorities say the security law and electoral changes have brought stability and order to Hong Kong after protracted anti-government and pro-democracy protests in 2019.The voter turnout in 2016 was 58%, while the post-handover low of 43.6% in 2000.

Fonte: https://www.reuters.com/world/china/how-hong-kongs-new-election-law-will-reshape-legislature-2021-12-18/

‘Our Hands and Feet Are Tied’: Hong Kong’s Opposition Quits in Droves

The landslide victory of pro-democracy politicians in local elections in 2019 was a stunning rebuke of Beijing. Now, fear of retaliation has driven them to quit.

A pro-democracy district councilor handing out copies of Apple Daily in Hong Kong in August 2020, after the newspaper’s founder, Jimmy Lai, was arrested under the national security law.
A pro-democracy district councilor handing out copies of Apple Daily in Hong Kong in August 2020, after the newspaper’s founder, Jimmy Lai, was arrested under the national security law.Credit…Isaac Lawrence/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

By Austin Ramzy and Tiffany MayPublished Aug. 15, 2021Updated Aug. 18, 2021阅读简体中文版閱讀繁體中文版

HONG KONG — When Hong Kong’s pro-democracy politicians won a resounding victory in local council elections in 2019, they inspired hopes of democratic change. Now, fears of arrest have driven most of them to quit, laying bare that dream’s dramatic collapse.

The opposition had swept nearly 90 percent of the 452 seats in Hong Kong’s district councils, riding on widespread antigovernment sentiment that had turned into months of protests. Though the polls were for the lowest rung of elected office, they were regarded as an informal referendum that showed the public’s support for the pro-democracy camp. The victory dealt a stinging defeat to Beijing and raised the opposition’s expectations that even greater electoral successes were within reach.

But in less than two years, Beijing has struck back, demolishing those gains as part of a broader security crackdown that has drastically raised the risk of political dissent.

More than half of the council members from the pro-democracy camp, over 250 of them, have quit in recent weeks to avoid being ensnared in Beijing’s campaign. Those who remain are worried about being arrested.

A line at a polling station during the district council election in Hong Kong in November 2019, during which pro-democracy candidates won a large majority of the seats.
A line at a polling station during the district council election in Hong Kong in November 2019, during which pro-democracy candidates won a large majority of the seats.Credit…Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times

“Before, we had a lot of hope and anticipation. Now, it feels like our hands and feet are tied,” said Zoe Chow, an elected district official who had represented the working-class neighborhood of Sham Shui Po since 2015 before resigning in July. “We have to think very hard about what to do next because it feels as though everything we do is considered wrong.”

By targeting opposition figures in local councils, the authorities are effectively burying the last vestige of democracy in Hong Kong. Dozens of politicians are in jail and facing potential life sentences on national security charges. Apple Daily, a major pro-democracy newspaper, has been forced to close after the arrest of its founder and top editors. Hong Kong’s largest teachers union and the Civil Human Rights Front, which organized large protest marches, both said in recent days that they would disband. Beijing has rewritten the rules for future elections to bar candidates it deems disloyal.

The district councilors said they were alarmed by the government’s plans to impose a new loyalty oath on them and reports that perceived violations could leave them imprisoned, barred from politics or bankrupted.

District councilors are not usually in the political limelight. They handle unglamorous tasks such as dealing with pest infestations, overflowing trash and illegal parking. They help residents with everyday problems such as the payment of bills or economic aid.

Leia na íntegra em: https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/15/world/asia/hong-kong-china-politics.html?searchResultPosition=1

Hong Kong protesters call off talks

201410185914146734_8Hong Kong protest leaders have called off talks with the government following what they said were “organised attacks” on their supporters.

The Hong Kong Federation of Students made the announcement to boycott the talks aimed at ending week-old demonstrations after crowds descended on two of their camps on Friday, tearing down their tents and barricades. Student leaders said the attacks were orchestrated by paid people from “triad” criminal gangs.

“There is no other option but to call off talks,” the students said in a statement.

“Everybody saw what happened today,” they added. “The government and police turned a blind eye to violent acts by the triads targeting peaceful Occupy protesters.”

Earlier, the three main protest groups issued a statement calling for the government to step in

An injured pro-democracy protester receives medical attention in Hong Kong9e15ba18-ac21-4b35-9348-829ebf754617

Talks had been promised by Hong Kong’s Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, who is under pressure from protesters to resign as they demand democratic reforms, but there was no sign on Friday that they had begun.

Thousands of people crowded the streets as demonstrators faced off against a group of anti-protesters in the shopping district Mong Kok after they started to rip down banners in an apparent backlash against the protests.

Al Jazeera’s Adrian Brown, reporting from the scene in Mong Kok, said that he witnessed several violent skirmishes.

“At least two people, including an elderly man, were carried away by ambulance crews after crowds created a corridor to allow them to leave,” he said. “I have also heard Mandarin being spoken, which suggests darker forces may be at work.”

Police tried to hold back angry demonstrators who surrounded the protesters at a junction they had been occupying for five days.

One small group chanted “I want genuine democracy”, while a crowd yelled at them to “Go home!” as police struggled to contain the confrontation.

“I don’t support Occupy Central. We have to work and make money. Occupy is just a game,” said a construction worker who gave his name as Mr Lee.

Police urged all sides to “stay calm and exercise restraint” in what they described in a statement as a “chaotic situation” in Mong Kok.

In a brief video, Leung appealed for an end to the Mong Kok protests and for both sides to go home. He again appealed for calm in the city.

There were also confrontations in the busy commercial district of Causeway Bay.

One anti-protester there yelled: “This is not democracy, we need to feed our kids”. Spectators cheered barricades being taken away.

ALJAZEERA

Pepe Escobar: “Dançando miudinho. Como se fosse… 1997” – 15 anos da retomada chinesa de Hong Kong

Pepe Escobar: “Dançando miudinho. Como se fosse… 1997”

29/6/2012, Pepe Escobar, Asia Times Online – The Roving Eye

Traduzido pelo pessoal da Vila Vudu

HONG KONG. Aconteceu há 15 anos: o dia em que os britânicos devolveram Hong Kong à China. [1] O general China fez os britânicos dançarem miudinho. Recuperar Hong Kong foi um dos pilares da estratégia de “cruzar o rio sentindo as pedras” de Deng Xiaoping, o Pequeno Timoneiro. Regra n. 1, “enriquecer é glorioso”. Depois, desenvolver as zonas econômicas especiais. Recuperar Hong Kong, tirando-a dos britânicos. Depois, um dia, anexar Taiwan. E, talvez lá por 2040, chegar a alguma variante de democracia parlamentar à europeia.

Tempos inebriantes, aqueles. Apenas fracos rumores sobre uma possível crise financeira na Ásia. Na China continental, a mídia relembrava as “humilhações” do passado – com direito a promoção pesada de um filme arrasa-quarteirões que contaria a verdade sobre as Guerras do Ópio. Nos jornais, na ilha de Hong Kong, reinava medo sinistro. E se o Exército de Libertação do Povo [orig. People’s Liberation Army (PLA), o exército da República Popular da China] cruzar a fronteira à meia noite, numa blitzkrieg e militarizar todos os shopping-centersem Kowloon? Seremos todos doutrinados até nos transformarem em comunistas-modelo?
Era onde todos os correspondentes estrangeiros tinham de estar. O Clube dos Correspondentes Estrangeiros fervilhava como perpétuo concerto de rock. Na loja Shanghai Tang, o hit era um relógio Deng, de pulso. Os dias passavam em perene agitação, na luta para conseguir entrevistas e aferir a iminência do apocalipse, na opinião de residentes e analistas. À noite, as suarentas festas no Club 1997, em Lan Kwai Fong. Depois, era arrastar a ressaca de volta para o hotel e escrever matéria suficientemente densa para encher duas páginas de jornal por dia.
No final, tudo transcorreu numa normalidade que Deng apreciaria. [2] Chris Patten – o último governador britânico – partiu, num anticlímax. O Império Britânico era passado. O Exército chinês não invadiu a ilha. Festa monstro, no Club 1997. Dia seguinte, ressaca monstro e tudo, começava a verdadeira celebração. Meti-me num avião rumo à China.
Impensável indizível 
Mal sabia eu que a crise financeira asiática acabava de eclodir – com desvalorização monstro do Baht tailandês. Bom. Ainda dia 1º de junho, muitos de nós teríamos previsto alguma coisa, mas seria problema pequeno – mas ninguém preveria, nem ninguém previu, o tsunami financeiro que logo chegaria.
Eu tinha planos de mergulhar na China profunda – nas entranhas da besta que, agora, mandava em Hong Kong. Robert Plant viajou no mesmo voo para Xian. Sim, ele, o Robert Plant (guitarrista do Led Zeppelin [3]) – menos Jimmy Page. Resisti à tentação de falar com ele, ante as barreiras abertas para a Caxemira. Mas acabou que estávamos no mesmo hotel em Xian – e cruzávamos no café da manhã. Ele viajava com o filho e o secretário. E, sim – estávamos na mesma viagem. Nada de Estrada 66 – mas a estrada mãe de todas as estradas.
Sempre fui fanático pela Rota da Seda. A “Estrada da Seda” não é só o grande portão aberto para a Eurásia – de desertos letais como o Taklamakan a picos de montanhas nevadas – mas também ondas e ondas de história cultural que liga a Ásia à Europa. São impérios esquecidos como os Sogdianos, cidades de fábula como Merv, Bukhara e Samarcanda, oásis de fábula como Kashgar. Não é “uma” estrada, mas um labirinto de “estradas” – cujos braços alcançam o Afeganistão e o Tibete.
Tinha de começar pelo começo, em Xian, ex-Chang’an – embora muita seda chinesa viesse ainda mais do sul. Xian foi capital da China durante a dinastia Han, quando Roma dava a alma pela seda da China. E foi capital outra vez na dinastia Tang – quando a conexão com a Índia solidificou a Rota da China.
As galerias de Hong Kong estavam cheias de cópias de figuras Tang de terracota, como a Yang Guifei, também conhecida como “a concubina gorda”, [4] a mais afamada femme fatale na história da China. Turcos, uigures, sogdianos, árabes e persas, todos viveram nessa Roma chinesa – e construíram templos (a mesquita ainda é a mais bela na China; mais os três templos zoroastrianos já se foram).
 
Rota da Seda
Eu precisaria de mais alguns anos – e sucessivas viagens – para percorrer finalmente o núcleo da Rota da Seda, em diferentes trechos, obsessão que carregava desde o ginásio. Mas daquela vez queria concentrar-me na parte chinesa da Rota da Seda.
Comecei com um pintor/calígrafo que fazia cópias sublimes, em mandarim, de sutras do coração de Buda para monges que viviam há anos em cavernas nas montanhas ao norte de Chang’an. Foi supremamente difícil resistir a duas tentações: adeus jornalismo, por que não virar calígrafo, ou monge? Então, comecei a andar rumo oeste, através de Lanzhou – com desvio até o imaculado enclave tibetano de Xiahe e, no caminho, enorme concentração de Hui, muçulmanos chineses. Sempre por trem, ônibus e caminhões locais.
De Lanzhou fui até Chengdu, em Sichuan, de ônibus, depois a Lhasa no Tibete, de avião, ida e volta. Essa é uma ramificação clássica da Rota da Seda. Mas o que realmente me atraía era ir “ao impensável indizível” [orig. “beyond the pale”, intraduzível, nesse contexto]. Seguir o braço no extremo oeste da Grande Muralha e finalmente chegar a Jiayuguan – o “Primeiro e Maior Desfiladeiro sob os Céus”.
Foi tudo que eu esperava que fosse: uma espécie de cenário desolado para o fim do império. O fim (literal) da Grande Muralha. A oeste dali seria “o impensável indizível” [orig. “beyond the pale”]. Chineses banidos para oeste dali jamais voltariam. Ainda em 1997, olharam-me com ar incrédulo, quando eu disse que continuaria adiante, até Gansu, rumo aos desertos de Xinjiang. “Por quê? Lá não há nada.”
Faltavam ainda dois anos, para que Pequim lançasse oficialmente a política “Rumo ao Oeste”. A neocolonização superturbinada do “impensável indizível” além daquele ponto – uma Xinjiang extremamente rica em recursos naturais, mas povoada (ainda naquele momento) sobretudo por uigures muçulmanos – ainda não começara.
Morte, também chamada Taklamakan
Pelo desfiladeiro Gansu, cheguei finalmente às cavernas Dunhuang – dos maiores centros budistas da China por mais de 600 anos: uma festa de afrescos e imagens esculpidas em cavernas escavadas numa montanha na face leste do deserto de Lop e face sul do deserto de Gobi. Esplendor, deslumbramento, não bastam nem para começar a descrevê-las.
Um dos meus heróis eternos, o grande peregrino budista Xuanzang (602-664), parou em Dunhuang a caminho da Índia – onde recolheu textos sagrados para traduzi-los ao chinês (o que explica aquele calígrafo, lá atrás, em Xian).
O relato que o próprio Xuanzang escreveu de suas viagens épicas, Xiyuji(“Registro das Regiões Ocidentais”, ing.Record of the Western Regions  [5]) continua insuperado. Começou – e por onde começaria? – em Chang’an. Aconteceu de tudo, inclusive ter sido “torturado por alucinações” e ter de safar-se de “todos os tipos de demônios e seres estranhos”. Mas conseguiu voltar à China 16 anos depois, carregando uma fortuna em livros e estátuas de Buda.
A Rota da Seda bifurca-se em torno de Dunhuang. Tive de decidir. A estrada do norte segue a face sul das espetaculares montanhas Tian Shan – que acompanham o norte do aterrorizante deserto Taklamakan (cujo nome, em uigur, significa “você pode entrar, mas nunca sairá”). Ao longo do caminho, muitas cidades-oásis – Hami, Turfan, Aksu – antes de chegar a Kashgar.
Tomei essa estrada, sob temperaturas sempre próximas de 50 graus Celsius, montado numa Land Rover em ruínas com um Hui monossilábico que deu conta da trilha pelo deserto como um Ayrton Senna. E aquela era a rota “mais fácil” – comparada à rota do sul. Eu imaginava os monges budistas, montados em camelos, pelas montanhas Karakoram até Leh (em Ladakh) e Srinagar (na Caxemira) e dali até a Índia.
Até tentar enfrentar as horrendas tempestades de areia do Taklamakan é absolutamente impossível. Resta contornar o deserto. Foi o que não fez o mais safo dentre os gigantes modernos da Rota da Seda, Sven Hedin (1865-1952), autor de My Life as an Explorer [6] (1926), homem de colhões de aço que enfrentou a morte incontáveis vezes e deixou atrás de si uma trilha cavalos, camelos e, claro, homens, mortos.
Numa de suas aventuras, quando Hedin tinha esperanças de conseguir cruzar um canto sudoeste do Taklamakan em menos de um mês, os camelos morreram, um depois do outro; a caravana foi atingida por uma tempestade de areia; o último dos seus homens morreu; só Hedin chegou ao outro lado, “como se guiado por uma mão invisível”.
Eu, guiado pelo meu Hui bem visível, finalmente cheguei a Kashgar – uma volta alucinante à Eurásia medieval. Também ali, naquele momento, a neocolonização forçada dos Han estava apenas começando, em torno da estátua de Mao na Praça do Povo. A feira do domingo saía diretamente do século 10. Não se via um único chinês Han nem por perto da mesquita Id Kah verde-clara, nas rezas da madrugada.
Em Kashgar a Rota da Seda novamente se divide e desdobra-se. Os monges budistas viajariam pelo Hindu Kush por Tashkurgan, até os reinos budistas de Gandhara e Taxila, no Paquistão de hoje. Viajei pela estrada da amizade motorizada China-Paquistão – quero dizer, tomei a fabulosa autopista Karakoram de Kashgar pelo desfiladeiro Khunjerab, de jipe e ônibus local, direto até Islamabad, com uma parada no idílico vale Hunza. O norte do Paquistão estava em paz, naqueles dias pré-guerra-ao-terror; apesar de os Talibã estarem no poder no Afeganistão, não havia à vista praticamente nenhum islamistahardcore.
Os mercadores da Rota da Seda fariam diferente. Tomariam o rumo norte, das montanhas Pamir até Samarcanda e Bukhara; ou rumo sul, das Pamirs a Balkh (no Afeganistão de hoje) e dali até Merv (no Irã). De Merv, uma rede de Rotas da Seda parte diretamente até o Mediterrâneo via Bagdá-Damasco, Antióquia ou Constantinopla (Istambul). Eu precisaria de mais vários anos para seguir trechos de todas essas estradas.
O caso é que, de repente, eu estava em Islamabad em negociações com os Talibã, enquanto por toda a Ásia o mundo financeiro vinha abaixo. Voltei a Cingapura e dali a Hong Kong. A Tailândia, a Indonésia, a Coreia do Sul estavam desmoronando. Mas Hong Kong sobrevivia, mais uma vez – agora, atentamente inspecionada por Pequim.
A mãe-pátria sabe das coisas
15 anos depois, nenhuma das tolas predições ocidentais sobre os chineses ‘endurecerem’ em Hong Kong, se confirmaram. A terceira transição suave de poder em Hong Kong, sob mando chinês, já está em andamento. O vice-presidente chinês Xi Jinping – próximo Imperador Dragão – já espalhou suas generosas bênçãos.
Eis o citação chave, do que disse Xi: “15 anos depois de devolvida à China, Hong Kong sobreviveu a várias tempestades. Acima de tudo, o princípio de “um país, dois sistemas” obteve enormes avanços (…). A economia de Hong Kong desenvolveu-se bem e a vida dos cidadãos melhorou. Houve avanços também no desenvolvimento democrático, e a sociedade tornou-se harmoniosa.”
Bem… Nem tão harmoniosa. É verdade: Hong Kong é a capital da Instant Profit Opportunity (IPO), Oportunidade de Lucro Instantâneo. É o principal centro offshore do mundo para o comércio de Yuans. É capital planetária sem igual – em muitos aspectos, põe New York no chinelo; é o melhor que o mundo tem a oferecer em ambiente ultracompactado. A economia da cidade cresceu todos os anos, exceto em 2009 – ano do abismo da economia mundial. O PIB cresce 4,5% ao ano, em média. O desemprego jamais ultrapassou 6%.
Mas Hong Kong ainda não fez a transição para uma economia de alto valor agregado, economia baseada no conhecimento. O governo atual, de Donald Tsang aposta em “seis novas indústrias pilares”, que devem trazer “claras vantagens” com vistas ao crescimento: indústrias culturais e ‘criativas’; serviços médicos; educação; inovação e tecnologia; serviços de testagem e certificação; e indústrias ambientalmente orientadas.
O desenvolvimento desses “pilares”, até agora, é desprezível. Hong Kong continua a depender de suas quatro indústrias-núcleo: serviços financeiros, turismo, serviços profissionais e comércio. Mais de 36 milhões de turistas/ano não farão de Hong Kong uma sociedade baseada no conhecimento. A maioria dos turistas vêm – e de onde viriam? – da mãe-pátria. O chicote volta, bravo, sobre quem chicoteia: a maioria dos Hong-Konguenses os veem como “gafanhotos” – camponeses grosseirões, as malas estufadas de Yuan, pagando tudo à vista. E, isso, quando a desigualdade na própria Hong Kong cresce dramaticamente.
No que tenha a ver com Pequim, tudo é, sempre, “atravessar o rio, sentindo as pedras”. Eis, mais uma vez, o que disse Xi: “O governo da SAR [Special Administrative Region/Região Administrativa Especial] reuniu vários setores sociais sob forte apoio do governo central e da pátria-mãe.” A pátria-mãe tem lá suas próprias ideias de fazer reviver a Rota da Seda – e Hong Kong talvez possa ser parte do projeto, pelo menos no que tenha a ver com serviços financeiros.
Vai-se ver, talvez seja hora de bailar outra vez, como se fosse 1997, e outra vez atacar o Taklamakan. É… Pode-se tirar o menino de dentro da Rota da Seda, mas não se pode tirar a Rota da Seda de dentro do menino.

Notas dos tradutores
[1] 1/7/1997, Grã-Bretanha devolve Hong Kong à China (mais em: BBC ON THIS DAY –  1997: Hong Kong handed over to Chinese control).
[2] Deng Xiaoping morrera, aos 92 anos, dia 19/2/1997, menos de seis meses antes, portanto, do que Pepe Escobar narra aí (mais em: BBC ON THIS DAY – 1997: China’s reformist Deng Xiaoping dies).