Berlin ne veut pas accepter les nouvelles sanctions US contre la Russie

«Nous n’acceptons en aucun cas une application extraterritoriale des sanctions américaines contre des entreprises européennes», a déclaré le ministère allemand des Affaires étrangères, commentant le projet de loi US portant sur de nouvelles sanctions antirusses.

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L’Allemagne a vivement critiqué l’adoption par le Sénat américain du projet de loi portant sur de nouvelles sanctions antirusses car cette mesure impacterait aussi la partie allemande.

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El País: G20 começa com choques entre manifestantes e polícia em Hamburgo

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06/07/17

Polícia tenta dispersar com gás lacrimogêneo e canhões de água milhares de manifestantes

“Bem-vindo ao inferno.” Este é o lema da manifestação com que os grupos antissistema recebem nesta quinta-feira o presidente dos Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, e os demais líderes do G20, os países mais industrializados do planeta, que aterrissaram durante o dia em Hamburgo, na Alemanha. A cidade natal da chanceler (primeira-ministra), Angela Merkel, anfitriã da cúpula, está hoje fortificada, envolta em arame farpado e repleta de barricadas. O ministro da Fazenda do Brasil, Henrique Meirelles, foi um dos que desembarcaram no país, já o presidente Michel Temer também estava a caminho de Hamburgo nesta quinta à tarde para participar da reunião.

O clima na cidade, porém, era de tensão. Milhares de manifestantes procedentes de toda a Europa se reuniram no centro da cidade para protagonizar a passeata mais temida, batizada como “G20 Welcome to Hell“. Muitos deles, vestidos de preto e de capuz, levaram um cubo de plástico gigante, também preto, em alusão ao movimento black bloc, de protestos antiglobalização. 

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Parlamento alemão aprova casamento gay

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30/06/17

Em votação histórica, Merkel vota contra legalização do matrimônio homoafetivo, mas diz esperar que aprovação traga coesão social. Nova legislação permite também que casais do mesmo sexo adotem uma criança.

O Bundestag (Parlamento alemão) aprovou o casamento gay nesta sexta-feira (30/06). Em votação histórica, sobre o chamado “casamento para todos”, 393 parlamentares votaram a favor da legalização, e 226, contra. Houve quatro abstenções.

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El País: Merkel afaga Argentina em giro na América Latina que exclui Brasil

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O presidente da Argentina, Mauricio Macri, recebe na Casa Rosada a chanceler alemã, Angela Merkel.

08/06/2017

Chanceler alemã e Macri se unem contra Trump e por livre comércio às vésperas de troca no G20

Já é uma constante em seu primeiro ano e meio de mandato: Mauricio Macri recebe notícias muito melhores do exterior do que de sua terra. Aplaudido pelos países centrais, que agradecem por ter acabado com 13 anos de kirchnerismo, o presidente argentino recebeu a visita que faltava para fechar o círculo do retorno de seu país ao eixo central das relações internacionais: a chanceler alemã Angela Merkel chegou a Buenos Aires com a intenção de fortalecer as relações, mostrar seu apoio a Macri e passar o bastão do G-20, do qual foi a anfitriã este ano e que em 2018 acontecerá na Argentina. Merkel passará ainda pelo México, também membro do G20, mas o Brasil, outro país latino-americano do grupo e em profunda crise doméstica, não foi incluído no périplo.

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Banco Central Europeu e Alemanha divergem sobre pacote de estímulo

Vítor Constancio, vice-presidente do BCE diz que sua intervenção livrou a região do euro de “deflação”

Publicado originalmente em: 12/03/2016

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Berlim contra Frankfurt. Empresários, os think tanks e a imprensa alemã pularam na jugular de Mario Draghi, presidente do Banco Central Europeu (BCE), depois que o novo pacote de estímulo para combater a anemia da zona do euro foi anunciado na quinta-feira. O establishment alemão defende seus poupadores com unhas e dentes e critica algumas medidas, mais em linha com a estagnação secular na Europa do que com o ciclo econômico na Alemanha, que enfrenta uma enorme crise. O BCE saiu em própria defesa em uma atitude incomum e de rara firmeza para os padrões de Frankfurt. O vice-presidente do BCE, Vítor Constancio, fez um apelo a favor do ativismo do Eurobanco e novamente exigiu uma expansão fiscal para apoiar a política monetária. “Evitamos uma deflação”, disse.

Draghi respirou tranquilo na sexta-feira. Os mercados acabaram com seu grande dia na quinta-feira, com uma reação surpreendente de baixa depois de uma primeira sacudida promissora: mandavam um lembrete de que o banco central não é o todo-poderoso; mandavam um recado de que a instituição talvez tenha perdido sua magia. Com algumas horas de atraso que causaram pavor em Frankfurt, os investidores finalmente digeriram na sexta-feira a enxurrada de medidas expansionistas, e o dia foi de alta para o mercado de ações, de bônus, câmbio e petróleo, praticamente tudo o que é negociado. Mas Draghi tem outras frentes abertas: empregadores, think tanks e a imprensa alemã, liberal ou social-democrata, popular ou de prestígio, entraram em cena com um ataque furioso contra o pacote de medidas para resgatar a economia europeia da estagnação e do risco de deflação.

O Bundesbank (banco central alemão) já alertou na reunião do conselho: continua contra qualquer coisa que se pareça com um estímulo. Jens Weidmann, presidente do BC alemão, foi muito claro contra a nova rodada de compras de títulos, taxas de juro negativas e liquidez de graça para o setor bancário. O que se seguiu foi o burburinho habitual na Alemanha após qualquer movimento em Frankfurt. O influente think tank IFO atacou com a dureza de sempre: Hans-Werner Sinn acusou o BCE de “tentar salvar bancos zumbis e Estados à beira da falência”. As medidas são uma boa notícia para os países inadimplentes do Sul, dizem empresários. “Mas, para os alemães, são uma catástrofe. Os poupadores serão expropriados mediante uma redistribuição gigantesca do Norte para o Sul da Europa”, disse Anton Börner, presidente da entidade patronal BGA.

Constancio, do BCE, rebateu as críticas, mas também o ceticismo de parte dos analistas sobre a eficácia da política monetária, em meio a uma estagnação que já dura muito tempo, com um alto endividamento e uma política fiscal ausente, que dificulta a transferência de liquidez dos mercados para a economia real. “O que teria acontecido sem essa política monetária?”, perguntou. A zona do euro “estaria em deflação desde o ano passado”, disse. “Se não fazemos política monetária, o que fazemos então? Os países que podem utilizar a política fiscal não vão fazê-lo. E, aqueles que vão fazê-lo, não deveriam”, reclamou.

Esse continua sendo o nó górdio da zona do euro, no oitavo ano da Grande Crise. “As discussões sobre política monetária muitas vezes soam como teologia com um toque cômico”, diz Paul de Grauwe, da London School, “mas o BCE está certo. Talvez suas políticas não sejam muito eficazes, mas isso ocorre porque a política fiscal não aparece: Bruxelas continua de lado; Berlim só usa o orçamento obrigada pelos refugiados. A Alemanha reclama do BCE, mas, se fizesse o que deve, com menos excesso de ideologia, a Europa estaria muito melhor”

Fonte: El País

Discurso do Ministro Mauro Vieira por ocasião da Conferência Internacional de Apoio à Síria e Região – Londres, 4 de fevereiro de 2016 [Inglês]

Publicado originalmente: 04/02/2016

20160204-ME-discurso-1First of all, allow me to congratulate the Governments of the United Kingdom, Germany, Norway and Kuwait, as well as the United Nations, on the organization of this timely and important conference.

The numbers resulting from the conflict in Syria are well known to all of us: a death toll too great to be overlooked and a humanitarian drama that has turned far too many average Syrian citizens into victims for the international community to ignore. Not to mention an entire generation of Syrian children and youth left out without an education, deprived of aspirations and dreams. This is a human tragedy of epic proportions, one that affects all of humanity.

That is why I hereby announce that Brazil is channeling over 1.3 million dollars to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees with the purpose of alleviating the plight and the suffering of Syrian refugees in the neighboring countries and elsewhere. Furthermore, Brazil has purchased 1.85 million dollars’ worth of food supplies – roughly 4.500 tons of rice – which will hopefully help improve food security for refugees and internally displaced people in the Levant. In spite of the fiscal and budgetary adjustment my Government is currently carrying out, Brazil sees humanitarian assistance to those in need as a responsibility we cannot shy away from.

Helping those suffering from war, terrorism and chaos is one side of the coin. The other one is giving shelter to those trying to run away from such ordeal. Brazil’s humanitarian visa policy, which was extended for two additional years last September, has allowed for more than 2,000 people affected by the conflict in Syria to seek refuge in Brazil since 2013. Another 7,000 of such visas have already been issued, allowing those who have applied for it to safely arrive at Brazilian shores.

As the home of the largest Syrian diaspora in the world, a land that has offered safe haven for people fleeing the Levant for over a century now, a country that has been shaped by the contribution of immigrants and their descendants, including over 4 million Brazilians of Syrian ascent, Brazil has opened its arms to receive those fleeing from the conflict in Syria and from the threat of terrorism.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Our efforts today will have limited impact if a meaningful political solution is not reached soon enough. Last December, for the very first time since the beginning of the conflict in Syria five years ago, the UN Security Council formally acknowledged that there cannot be a military solution for the Syrian crisis. Brazil has long advocated that a political solution is the only road there is. We welcome Resolution 2254 and encourage all key stakeholders to follow the roadmap outlined therein. We also welcome Resolution 2258 and urge concerned actors to comply with international humanitarian law and to provide safe, full and unimpeded access to humanitarian agencies on the ground.

The international community must be prepared to fully support the mediation efforts led by the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, Staffan di Mistura, and to further encourage the intra-Syrian dialogue, in spite of the many obstacles and shortcomings it faces.

Helping Syrians to broker a political solution; stemming the bloodshed; alleviating the hardship caused by war; keeping Syria united; fighting and preventing terrorism; rebuilding a country thorn-apart: these are the tasks ahead. Daunting for sure, but unavoidable. You must rest assured that Brazil will shoulder its share of responsibility for carrying out the momentous collective endeavor that lies ahead of us.

Thank you very much.

Fonte: Itamaraty

Economic crisis cannot justify Brazil’s absence from global security debate

Publicado originalmente em: 13/12/2015

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For the past two years, Brazil was, of the world’s top ten economies, the only country without a single participant at the Munich Security Conference. Equally telling, Latin America was the only region without any representation during the debates. Brazil’s participation in the upcoming conference in February 2016 is crucial to avoid the country’s exclusion from the global debate about how to address security challenges — and to prevent that the rules and norms that will shape the 21st century will be made by a small group of traditional actors alone.

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The Munich Security Conference, which takes place on a yearly basis since 1963, is the world’s most important independent forum for international security policy makers from around the globe. Rather than signing official documents or a final communiqué, leaders come to Munich for discreet backroom diplomacy. Informal meetings away from the public eye are used to explore opportunities for negotiations vis-à-vis complex security challenges, ranging from the civil war in Ukraine and Yemen to Syria and the global refugee crisis. In any given year, around twenty Heads of State and Government, fifty foreign and defense ministers and ninety government delegations participate.

Similar to the World Economic Forum (WEF) in the economic realm, it is at the Munich Security Conference where leaders seek to, in their official remarks, set the global security agenda. In 2003, during a panel discussion, Germany’s Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer famously told Donald Rumsfeld, in a mix of German and English, that he was “not convinced” of the United States’ argument that war against Iraq was necessary. The verbal confrontation would become one of the defining moments of the rift between Germany and the United States in the run-up to the Iraq War. It was also an unmistakable sign that Germany would, along with France, assume a leading role in the anti-war coalition.

At the 2007 conference, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin gave a strong-worded and much-remembered speech about the evils of unipolarity, which led to a sharp response by John McCain, who would become the Republican presidential candidate a year later. Six years later, on the final day of the conference, Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi expressed the willingness of his country to accept the US’s negotiated bid on the Iranian nuclear program. In 2014 and 2015, important discussions took place regarding the conflict in Ukraine and Syria. Simply put, no country or organization interested in playing a role in the discussion about global security challenges can afford not to be at the Munich Security Conference.

In 2016, the war against the Islamic State and the global refugee crisis will loom large during debates in Bavaria. Together, they currently pose the most urgent and complex global security challenge that impossibly can be solved by a small number of rich countries alone. More importantly, the decisions taken vis-à-vis the crisis in Syria will affect future conflicts and the way the international community reacts to them.

And yet, for the past two years, Brazil was, of the world’s top ten economies, the only country without a single participant at the Munich Security Conference. Equally telling, Latin America was the only region without any representation during the debates. Brazil’s participation in February 2016 is crucial to avoid the country’s exclusion from the global debate about how to address security challenges — and to prevent that the rules and norms that will shape the 21st century will be made by a small group of traditional actors alone.

Brazil’s absence from the debates in Munich is part of a worrying trend. When it comes to the dominant themes in global affairs over the past twelve months, such as the rise of the Islamic State, the global refugee crisis or the ongoing civil war in Ukraine, Brazil has rarely gone beyond the role of a bystander, ceding airtime to traditional powers. Yet Brasília could be far more pro-active in the global discussion about how to effectively address the challenges listed above, and positively influence dynamics — as it has done, in the past years, regarding humanitarian intervention, internet governance, peacekeeping, conflict resolution and defending democracy. Canada’s new government has recently shown that it is not neccessary to be a great power to have an impact in the global discussion about refugees. That requires, first of all, being in the room when such things are discussed. However, when it comes to international security policy, Brazil’s government currently does not seem to consider Woody Allan’s famous saying that “90 percent of life is simply showing up.”

A Brazilian participant such as Defense Minister Aldo Rebelo, Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira, Special Advisor Marco Aurélio Garcia, Ambassador Antonio Patriota (who was in Munich in 2013 as Foreign Minister) or President Rousseff herself could provide a valuable perspective on security challenges from the Global South. Yet more worryingly, Brazil’s absence sends a clear message to the other participants that the country does not seek a place at the table when the world’s most complex security challenges are debated. This undermines Brazil’s campaign for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council: Brazil was, in 2014 and 2015, the only G4 member that lacked any representation.

Brazil’s current economic crisis cannot justify such aloofness. After all, what is the use of a country that is only ready to help address global challenges when its economy is going well? In fact, scaling back foreign policy initiatives as a reaction to the economic crisis underestimates how foreign policy can help the economy: Large companies like  Airbus, Boeing and Raytheon (a major American defense contractor) are always present in Munich to network with key figures in the defense establishment, while Embraer and other Brazilian players in the defense industry are not.

Our global debate today is out of balance, and we can no longer solve global challenge by merely relying on a few countries’ wisdom. The dramatic failures of addressing key challenges over the past decades are clear indicators that new actors such as Brazil must contribute to finding meaningful solutions. Merely sending a senior policy maker to Munich in February is, of course, little more than a symbol — yet an important one, nonetheless, showing that Brazil, despite its economic and political crisis, is aware of its global responsibilites.

Fonte: Post-Western World