Celso Lafer – O Brasil e a Globalização — Pensadores do Direito Internacional

Publicado em 03/04/2014

Celso Lafer – O Brasil e a Globalização — Pensadores do Direito Internacional: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pFFq2jtUiMc

Entrevista com o professor, advogado e árbitro Celso Lafer realizada pelo jornalista Carlos Eduardo e o sócio de, L.O.Baptista-SVMFA , Mauricio Almeida Prado, abordando temas como: globalização e direto, Direito Internacional Econômico, governança global e os desafios do multiculturalismo.  A entrevista é parte da obra “O Brasil e a Globalização — Pensadores do Direito Internacional”, composta por livro e DVD.

http://www.lob-svmfa.com.br

 

Vicente Marotta Rangel – O Brasil e a Globalização — Pensadores do Direito Internacional

Publicado em 03/04/2014

Vicente Marotta Rangel – O Brasil e a Globalização — Pensadores do Direito Internacional: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7sEFzr6oNVI

Entrevista com o professor, advogado e juiz Vicente Marotta Rangel realizada pelo jornalista Carlos Eduardo o sócio de L.O.Baptista-SVMFA, Mauricio Almeida Prado, abordando temas como: globalização e direito, direito internacional do mar, sua atuação como juiz internacional, direito do mar x direito espacial e o ensino do direito internacional no Brasiil. A entrevista é parte da obra “O Brasil e a Globalização — Pensadores do Direito Internacional”, composta por livro e DVD.
http://www.lob-svmfa.com.br

 

 

Keiser Report: Vietnam of Financial Fraud (E605)

Vídeo

Publicado em 24/05/2014
In this episode of the Keiser Report, Max Keiser and Stacy Herbert discuss Max’s personal Vietnam called ‘HSBC Now’ and he is going up the Thames River of financial fraud to meet George Osborne who is sitting on a pile of skulls of the victims of austerity. They discuss the wishes and knishes and misallocation of capital. In the second half, Max interviews Andrew ‘Weev’ Auernheimer about a hedge fund called TRO LLC and a StartJOIN crowdfunding campaign to raise money to register the fund. They also discuss Weev’s lawsuit against the US government seeking compensation for wrongful imprisonment and he will only accept bitcoin as the US Federal Reserve note is backed by fraud and violence.

Keiser Report: China Kicks US Buck (E596)

Vídeo

Publicado em 03/05/2014
In this episode of the Keiser Report, Max Keiser and Stacy Herbert discuss the $1 trillion humanitarian budget in America and the Roman precedent for it. They also discuss the new World Bank purchasing power parity estimates which see China’s economy surpassing America’s later this year, knocking the US economy off the top where it has been since 1872. In the second half, Max interviews Nafeez Ahmed about Tony ‘Blood for Oil’ Blair and the real reason for the American ‘humanitarian’ military missions to Europe, Asia and beyond

Diálogos sobre Política Externa: Perspectivas da nova governança econômica global

Vídeo

Publicado em 13/03/2014
Uma das sessões da série Diálogos sobre Política Externa teve como tema, no dia 12 de março, “Perspectivas da nova governança internacional”. A professora do Instituto de Relações Internacionais da Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro, Mônica Herz, resume sua intervenção neste vídeo.

Para aprofundar o diálogo entre governo e sociedade sobre o papel do Brasil no mundo, o Ministério das Relações Exteriores realiza, entre os dias 26 de fevereiro e 2 de abril, no Palácio Itamaraty, em Brasília, a série de debates sobre a política externa brasileira intitulados Diálogos sobre Política Externa. Os eventos contam com a participação de jornalistas, parlamentares, acadêmicos, empresários, sindicalistas e representantes de movimentos sociais.

Pepe Escobar on China/Russia ‘Deal of the decade’ & Europe’s secret US deal blues

Vídeo

Publicado em 15/04/2014
While the West weighs up putting more spanners in the works with sanctions, Russia and China are getting on with business. The two are looking at a deal that could see gas pumped into the world’s most-populated nation for the next 3 decades. Asia Times correspondent Pepe Escobar told RT that Beijing’s stance on the global political arena is bearing fruit.

Moniz Bandeira vê ameaças ao Brasil a partir da Ucrânia e Venezuela

Vídeo

Publicado em 28/02/2014
O politólogo residente na Alemanha Luiz Alberto Moniz Bandeira, autor do livro A Segunda Guerra Fria, analisou nesta entrevista pelo Skype, com o embaixador Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães e os jornalistas Beto Almeida e FC Leite Filho, da TV Cidade Livre de Brasília e do blog cafenapolitica.com.br, os acontecimentos recentes na Ucrânia, que afastaram o presidente Viktor Ianukovitch, e na Venezuela. que, mais uma vez fracassaram na tentativa de derrocar o regime bolivariano, implantado pelo falecido presidente Hugo Chávez. Moniz explica didaticamente que esses movimentos são produto do método do professor norte-americano Gene Sharp, autor do manual From Democracy to Dictartoship, que açulam as massas contra os governos progressistas, através de ações de rua e de opinião, tendo a mídia como principal arauto, como pretexto a defesa de direitos fundamentais e como objetivo manter a hegemonia dos Estados Unidos sobre o mundo.

Essas ações, segundo o cientista polîtico brasileiro, se traduziram na invasão pura e simples das tropas da OTAN, aliança militar dos Estados Unidos com a União Europeia, como no Iraque, Afeganistão e na Líbia, e quando não podem, provocam a deposição de presidentes, como agora ocorreu na Ucrânia, cujo presidente não renunciou e tenta resistir na península da Crimeia, de população de origem majoritariamente russa. A título de exemplo, ele disse que se Nicolás Maduro, da Venezuela, tivesse caído, as pressões logo viriam sobre a Argentina e, em seguida, o Brasil.
– O Brasil precisa ter cuidado – enfatizou Moniz Bandeira – porque essas manifestações dos chamados black blocs podem estar sendo instrumentalizadas por determinados interesses internacionais de ONGs e agências americanas como a NED (National Endowement for Democracy), USAID, e outras agências estatais e fundações privadas.

Já o embaixador Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães, ex-secretário-geral do Itamaraty e alto comissariado do Mercosul, alertou para o acordo de livre comércio desta última entidade com a União Europeia, o qual, no seu entendimento, significará o fim do mercado comum que une Brasil, Argentina, Paraguai, Uruguai e Venezuela, pois implicará no fim da união aduaneira de que desfrutam nossas empresas contra as megaempresas europeias. Estas, no seu entender, poderão até fechar suas filiais por aqui. Depois deste acordo com a Europa, acredita Samuel, virão inevitavelmente outros TLCs com os Estados Unidos e com a China, inibindo todo o esforço brasileiro de promoção social e de inserção no mercado internacional.

Na sua análise, Moniz Bandeira ainda explica que os Estados Unidos tentam seu domínio sobre o Brasil desde 1889, lembrando frase atribuída ao Visconde de Ouro Preto, último chefe do governo do império, quando disse que os americanos estavam por trás da proclamação da República.

The Treaty of Versailles

Vídeo

Publicado em 06/11/2013
This BBC documentary entitled “The Peacemakers” is an in-depth study of the Versailles Treaty of 1919. It provides some fine insight into the process, the politics, the problems and the impact of that infamous settlement. This is ideal for students of this period. You might also enjoy ‘Lloyd George’s War’ on my channel. Uploaded for educational purposes only.

Ukrainians Breathe Sigh of Relief As Diplomatic Efforts Continue Between West & Russia

Vídeo

Professor Nicolai Petro lays out how the Crimea crisis could be resolved, as tension remains between pro-EU groups and Russian supported factions – March 6, 2014

JESSICA DESVARIEUX, TRNN PRODUCER: Welcome to The Real News Network. I’m Jessica Desvarieux in Baltimore.
Following the Russian takeover of the Crimean Peninsula in Ukraine, Western and Russian diplomats are meeting in Paris to discuss how to resolve the political crisis in Ukraine. The European Union has also offered a $15 billion aid package to Ukraine on the condition that it reaches a deal with the International Monetary Fund over austerity measures and domestic gas subsidies.
Now joining us to discuss all this is Nicolai Petro. Nicolai is a professor of politics at the University of Rhode Island, and he has been in Ukraine since July as a visiting scholar and has observed the current crisis firsthand.
Thank you for joining us, Nicolai.
NICOLAI PETRO, POLITICS PROF., URI, VISITING SCHOLAR IN UKRAINE: Hello.
DESVARIEUX: So, Nicolai, I want to first start off with getting a sense of Putin’s approach and the reasons for why he decided to move with such urgency to intervene in the Crimea. Can you just assess how much danger there really was to Russians in Ukraine, as Putin had claimed?
PETRO: I don’t think there is a threat on a personal level specifically to Russians or Russian speakers, since that group is huge in this country and it’d be hard to even identify who such people are, since a lot of people are, for all practical purposes, bilingual.
But there is the reality of lawlessness and violence, which has increased sharply. And we’ve all seen the scenes on television that show that. And I believe Putin’s concern specifically in Crimea was that similar incidents had occurred in front of the regional parliament that week, and there was the concern that such violence could then extend south to the Russian base in Crimea.
DESVARIEUX: Okay. And I want to get a sense of how ordinary people, as well, are dealing with what’s happening in Ukraine. Can you speak to the different political factions and how they’re reacting to Russian movement into Crimea?
PETRO: I think the political groups in the parliament, which is dominated by the pro-E.U. groups, which are oriented toward the West, as well as their national supporters, they are, of course, overwhelmingly condemning this as a violation of Ukrainian sovereignty. There have been, however, protests in the East and in the South which have raised the Russian flag over local parliament buildings that have been taken over briefly. And so while popular sentiment I suspect is overwhelmingly unhappy with this intervention, it does seem to have provided a shot in the arm to those groups which, through this, feel some sort of support from Russia for asserting more local self-government and appeal for a more federalistic type of political system in the Ukraine.
DESVARIEUX: Alright. Let’s talk about the transitional government that was put in place after former president Yanukovych was ousted. I mean, people could even say he is currently the president in some ways. You wrote an article for The Nation that a radical nationalist agenda at place in the Ukrainian revolution is currently happening right now. Can you just speak to that?
PETRO: I believe the radicals are a small faction and a minority in Parliament. But the unique circumstances of the transition, in which they played a key role removing–in specifically organizing the removal of Yanukovych gives them significantly greater weight than their numbers suggest. And the way I like to phrase it is that the political power in the parliament can only act at the sufferance of the Maidan, the street which is very largely controlled, I would suspect, by the right sector. So we really have a sort of bifurcation of power between the parliament and the Maidan. And we see this in the role that the Maidan has played in the appointment of ministers.
In the parliament itself, we have a political party called Svoboda, or Freedom, which is a key part of the government coalition currently. And it is this party that, on December 13, 2012, the European Parliament issued a condemnation of that particular party, and of the rise of Ukrainian nationalism more generally, for being–and I quote–“racist, anti-Semitic, and xenophobic”. And it, the European Parliament, at the time called for all other political parties to disassociate themselves from Svoboda and not to form coalitions with it. Well, today Svoboda holds key leadership positions in the parliament, including the deputy speakership. It holds the office of prosecutor general and four ministerial portfolios in the new government, as well as several appointed governorships.
DESVARIEUX: And who’s their base, would you say, Nicolai?
PETRO: Well, their geographic base is in the western regions of the country, although they have party representation throughout Ukraine. I understand from reading descriptions and discussions of the party that there’s a disagreement about how popular it is today. Anton Shekhovtsov, a scholar of Ukrainian nationalism in London, has pointed out that the Svoboda Party’s ratings have fallen. But we really have to go, really, by the percentage that they got in the last elections, in 2012, which is just over 10 percent. And we shall see how they fare in the upcoming elections for Parliament, which are scheduled at the end of this year.
DESVARIEUX: Okay. Let’s talk about how you would resolve this Crimea crisis. I know you’ve written about this. Can you just sort of give us a play-by-play of how you would have resolved this?
PETRO: Well, I don’t have any magic wand, but it seems to me that it’s no coincidence that this crisis blew up in Crimea. And the reason is that it is so easy for Russia to apply pressure on Ukraine there. Russia has several thousand military and their family in Crimea, and as a result, I think sentiment against the chaos that they see in Kiev is very high.
So for this to stop, the status of Crimea has to be something that is decided by the local residents. And I think the West can take four steps to accomplish this.
First–and this has already been done, according to today’s agreements–provide quick and massive economic assistance to Kiev, although one of the things that I would have hoped for is that this be done on the condition that hardcore nationalists not be part of the government. This would be consistent with the E.U. Parliament’s own resolution on the danger of Ukrainian nationalism.
A second point–or a second step, I should say, is that in exchange for this marginalization of the nationalists, they could demand that Russia immediately withdraw its troops back to bases in Crimea and publicly declare that it has no territorial ambitions in Ukraine. This is actually something that Putin said yesterday. So far, so good.
Third step is to press the government in Kiev and the government in the capital of Crimea, Simferopol, to agree to the terms of an internationally supervised referendum on the status of the island by the end of this year. I think it’s important not to rush this referendum, but indeed to have it validated, and for it to take a little bit longer so that people can really think about their status in Ukraine and what exactly the pros and cons are of increasing their autonomy.
And lastly, once the status of Crimea is determined, then I think the issue of the status of the Black Sea Fleet will probably need to be renegotiated again, as is provided under the terms of the treaty, by appropriate authorities. So if that authority happens to be the government in Kiev, then this will put pressure on Moscow to abide by whatever new agreement they come to over the fleet. And if it happens to be the government in Crimea, that issue will be essentially resolved, since the support of the fleet retirees and their families will become the island’s main source of revenue.
DESVARIEUX: Alright. Nicolai Petro, visiting scholar in Ukraine, thank you so much for joining us.